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Utility Trade Association Tracker

Which utilities are behind federal trade associations, think tanks and advocacy groups?

Pick a trade association, think tank, or advocacy group that operates at the federal level to see which utility companies are members, provide financial support, or hold seats on its board.

About this tracker

Monopoly investor-owned utilities provide electric and gas service to millions of Americans — nearly 70% of electric customers and 94% of gas customers. These large corporations spend millions of dollars to influence elections, back candidates and lobby every level of government.

This tracker maps the documented ties between utility companies and the groups that advocate on their behalf in Washington D.C.

Utility companies spent a combined $114 million lobbying the federal government in 2025, according to OpenSecrets. The industry lobbies on climate policy, taxes, cybersecurity, appropriations, federal appointments, and environmental regulation, among other issues, and no single utility works alone.

Additionally, utility companies can have their agenda echoed through other entities - such as trade associations, think tanks, and law firms that have formed ad hoc coalitions.

The Edison Electric Institute and the American Gas Association are the primary trade associations for investor-owned electric and gas companies. But many other associations and ad hoc coalitions, such as WIRES and the Utility Solid Waste Activities Group, advocate or litigate on specific parts of the industry's agenda. Think tanks and advocacy groups count utilities as members or funders, and utilities may seek to shape those groups' positions on issues such as renewable energy, data centers and permitting reform.

Methodology, disclosure rules and contact

Methodology

The Energy and Policy Institute compiled this dataset from utilities' most recent publicly available corporate political engagement reports, filings under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, and IRS Form 990s. For each relationship, EPI notes if the utility is a member (such as when the utility is a disclosed partner on the organization's website, or when a utility representative has a board seat), and where available, if the utility disclosed a contribution and how much if publicly available.

Most utilities are not required to disclose their memberships in or payments to trade associations and other organizations. Some, typically after pressure from shareholders, have agreed to disclose them annually. Others must do so under legal agreements. DTE Energy provides enhanced disclosures of its corporate contributions, payments to trade associations and chambers of commerce, and contributions to 501(c)(3) nonprofits under a settlement with the Michigan attorney general. FirstEnergy must disclose contributions to 501(c)(4) organizations under a deferred prosecution agreement with the Justice Department, which also required the company to pay a $230 million penalty after it admitted its role in a scheme to bribe Ohio public officials.

Similarly, organizations are not required to disclose members or funders. There may be organizations in which only a few utilities are known to be members as a result of their respective political disclosure reports, but in which other utilities are also members and have not publicly disclosed.

Utilities also report contributions differently. Some disclose the full amount paid to an organization. Others disclose only the portion that is "not deductible under the Internal Revenue Code," typically the share of dues the organization spent on lobbying and political activity, which means the utility's total payment was likely larger.

EPI currently includes organizations in this tracker which appear to be involved in influencing federal policy and regulation.

Contact us

EPI will update this tracker as new Form 990s and utility political engagement reports become available, and as additional information may be disclosed in regulatory dockets. To share additional information, please contact us.

Data last updated September 24, 2026.

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